A federal judge in Idaho sat down with attorneys on Friday to ask a simple question: how, exactly, is this law supposed to work? The answer, it turns out, is that nobody really knows. That tells you everything.
House Bill 752 is Idaho's new criminal bathroom ban, extending to private businesses, carrying felony charges of up to five years in prison for repeat offences, and due to take effect on 1 July. Six transgender Idahoans, represented by Lambda Legal, are suing to stop it. Chief U.S. District Judge Amanda Brailsford has said she will issue a ruling on a preliminary injunction quickly. What happened in that courtroom on Friday should inform every word of it.
Kell Olson, one of the attorneys for the plaintiffs, is himself a trans man. He put the practical reality plainly to the judge: if an officer stopped him and asked for his ID, it would list him as male. Most of the six plaintiffs have state-issued documents that already align with their gender identity. So ID checks, the most obvious enforcement mechanism, do not do what the law needs them to do.
Idaho Solicitor General Michael Zarian had a solution: DNA testing. The judge pressed him on whether a trans person would need to consent to that. He said not necessarily, then conceded he doubted anyone would actually be tested on the spot. The attorney for the plaintiffs pointed out that DNA testing generally requires a warrant. So the state's proposed enforcement mechanism is simultaneously invasive, impractical, and legally dubious, and the person proposing it does not really expect it to be used.
The Idaho Fraternal Order of Police wrote to lawmakers about this before the bill even passed. Their president, Bryan Lovell, told them plainly that officers responding to a complaint would face the impossible task of determining someone's biological sex, that there was no clear or reasonable way to do that without being invasive and inappropriate, and that the law put officers in an untenable position. The legislature passed it anyway.
After the hearing, ACLU of Idaho attorney Emily Croston said the state still had no coherent answer. "Are we just going to look at folks as they enter a restroom and determine whether we think they look enough like a man or a woman?" she asked reporters. "That's ridiculous." She is right. And the fact that the state cannot answer the question is not a technical detail. It is the whole argument.
Olson described his own situation with a simplicity that cuts through every piece of rhetoric the law's supporters have offered: "If I just go to a restaurant with my family and want to wash my hands before dinner, this law comes into play. Now I have to stop and decide: do I go into the restroom that is illegal now, the men's room? Or do I walk into the women's room and take all of the risk that comes with that, whether that's assault or harassment, or someone calling the police?" That is the daily life this law creates for a trans man who simply wants to wash his hands before dinner.
Diego Fable, one of the six people suing, has lived in Idaho for a decade. He is now planning to leave. He told the Idaho Capital Sun that Boise once stood for personal freedom and living without government overreach, and that the state is now doing the opposite. "If lawmakers' goal was to drive trans people out of Idaho," he said, "they're probably going to find they're losing more than they expect." He is probably right about that too, and the loss will not only be trans people.
The state's argument in court was that men who pretend to be transgender could use the law as cover to access women's spaces, and that bathroom stalls have gaps. A 2025 study from the Williams Institute at UCLA School of Law found no evidence that harm increases when trans people use facilities that match their gender identity. It did find that when trans people are turned away, they report verbal harassment and physical assault. The evidence runs in one direction. The law runs in the other.
This is the most sweeping criminal bathroom ban in the United States. The ACLU says it is the only one that reaches private businesses, and that Idaho's penalties are the steepest of the three states with criminal bans. A trans student involved in a previous Idaho bathroom case died by suicide. The human cost of these laws is not hypothetical.
What Friday's hearing made visible is what has always been true: these bans do not have a workable enforcement mechanism because their logic is incoherent from the start. You cannot police gender by inspecting bodies. You cannot make bathrooms safer by criminalising the people who were never the threat. And when a solicitor general stands in front of a federal judge and floats roadside DNA testing as a serious answer, the law has already shown what it is.
Judge Brailsford will rule soon. I hope she rules to block it.
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Dr Helen Webberley is a gender specialist, medical educator, and advocate, and the founder of GenderGP. She writes about gender diversity, trans healthcare, and the fight for trans rights.