Labour MPs doubt EHRC guidance on biological sex ruling is workable

The EHRC's new code of practice on single-sex spaces is facing a cross-party rebellion, with 135 MPs signing a motion to block it over fears it will harm trans people and prove impossible to apply in the real world. Trans people are already avoiding hospitals over fear of how the rules will be applied, and MPs who scrutinised the guidance say it cannot survive contact with reality.

Labour MPs doubt EHRC guidance on biological sex ruling is workable

Photo by Marcin Nowak on Unsplash

One trans man told his MP he would rather die than be put on a women's ward. That sentence appeared in The Guardian this week, almost in passing, buried inside a story about parliamentary procedure and legal technicality. I want to stay with it for a moment, because it is not a technicality. It is a person. A real man, in genuine distress, telling someone in power that the new rules make him afraid to seek care. That is what "unworkable" actually means.

The story is this: 135 MPs, 69 of them Labour, have signed a Commons motion calling for the EHRC's new code of practice to be blocked. The code follows the Supreme Court's ruling that sex in the Equality Act refers to biological sex, and it sets out that trans people should not use single-sex facilities corresponding to the gender they live as. In some cases, they are barred from facilities for their birth sex too. The solution offered is "gender-neutral third spaces", where they exist.

Last week, the EHRC's chair Mary-Ann Stephenson and chief executive John Kirkpatrick appeared before the Commons women and equalities committee to explain how all of this would work in practice. The hearing did not go smoothly. Kevin McKenna, a Labour MP and former nurse, asked what would happen to trans patients in hospital who needed a side room under the new rules, given that side rooms are clinical spaces, often reserved for infectious patients, not administrative solutions to a bureaucratic problem. He said afterwards that the code "may not survive contact with reality", and that it "will lead to terrible situations for trans people and their friends and families. It will not make life any safer for anyone else."

He is right, and I am glad he said it plainly.

What struck me about the committee hearing, as reported, is how much of it turned on the word "common sense". Stephenson apparently returned to it repeatedly when pressed on specifics. One MP noticed. "You can't operate that way," they said, "because it's completely subjective." That observation cuts right to the heart of what is wrong with this guidance. Common sense about who belongs in a space is not a legal standard. It is an invitation for whoever feels most confident to police whoever looks most uncertain. Trans people, especially trans men, are the ones who will lose that contest every time, and they know it.

Several MPs said constituents had told them they were avoiding medical care entirely because of fear about which ward they would be placed on. One said that multiple people had been in touch. Another described the guidance as having "opened the door to a series of legal challenges", precisely because its vagueness leaves every organisation unsure what they are required to do and terrified of getting it wrong.

A government source defended the process, saying they had worked hard to make the guidance as workable as possible and that it cannot cover every legal eventuality. That is true of all guidance. What is also true is that guidance built around the idea that trans people should be visibly separated from the rest of society will generate exactly the kind of conflict it claims to resolve, because it asks everyone around a trans person to make a judgment about their body, their history, and their right to be somewhere. That is not protection, it is scrutiny.

The motion itself is unlikely to stop anything. The 40-day parliamentary laying period ends early next month, after which the code becomes law. The government has declined to grant the vote that would be needed to block it. But several MPs were candid that the point of the motion is to put opposition on the public record and build momentum for legislative change. One described the signatories as cutting across the left and right of Labour in a way that showed the concern was genuine and broad, not factional.

I think that matters. Not because a motion changes the law today, but because it signals that a significant number of elected representatives have looked at this guidance, applied it to real human situations, and concluded that it does not hold. The EHRC was set up to protect everyone from discrimination. When the people responsible for scrutinising its work say it will cause harm and generate chaos, that is not a fringe view from trans advocates. That is the Commons doing its job.

The trans man who said he would rather die than be placed on a women's ward is not making a political point. He is describing what it feels like to be told that the system sees his body as the relevant fact about him, not his life, not his identity, not his safety, not his care. The guidance may become law. But the question of whether it is just, whether it is humane, and whether it serves the people it claims to protect is very much still open.

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